ENDING PROSTITUTION EXPLOITATION: HOW NEW YORK STATE CAN BETTER SUPPORT SURVIVORS OF THE SEX TRADE THROUGH LEGISLATIVE REFORM

*J.D. 2021, Columbia Law School; Double licence 2017, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. Many thanks to Professor Colleen F. Shanahan for her guidance and support and to the staff of the Columbia Journal of Gender and Law for their suggestions and edits. I am deeply grateful to the many survivors of the sex trade who have educated me and inspired me to write this Note. Finally, I would like to dedicate this Note to my late grandmother, Bette Rae Prouty.

pushed for the bill, states that it aims to "decarcerate" the sex trade 15 and to decriminalize "consenting adults who trade sex, collaborate with or support sex working peers, or patronize adult sex workers." 16 Sponsors of the bill also seek to reduce violence and abuse in the sex trade. 17 In recent years, various countries chose to modify their legislative approach to prostitution with the objective of ending the abuse of people in prostitution. 18 While some countries made the sex trade legal, others chose to decriminalize and support people in prostitution and to penalize prostitution buyers, 19 pimps, 20 and brothels. 21 In the coming years, regardless of whether the Gottfried-Salazar bill is passed, many state legislatures will likely consider how they should update their prostitution laws. 22 This Note aims to determine the best legislative approach for states to adopt. Specifically, this Note analyzes the likely effects of implementing the Gottfried-Salazar bill. The 15 Our Goals, DECRIM NY, supra note 13 (defining Decrim NY as a coalition of organizations that seeks "to Decriminalize, Decarcerate and Destigmatize the Sex Trades in New York City and State").   18 See infra Section I.B. 19 There is no single commonly used term to refer to those who pay for sex. See Anita Bernstein, Working Sex Words, 24 MICH. J. GENDER & L. 221, 225, 245-46. This Note uses the term "prostitution buyer" to recognize the fact that the person who pays for sex is as much a part of the transaction as the prostituted person. See id. 20 Although some states such as California and Georgia have enacted felonies called "pimping," most state laws use terms such as "promoting" or "facilitating" prostitution. See Bernstein, supra note 19, at 249. To avoid resorting to euphemisms, this Note uses the term "pimping" to refer to the advancement or promotion of another's prostitution. 21 See infra Section I.B. 22 See, e.g., Erik Ortiz, New York State Lawmakers Introduce Bill to Decriminalize Sex Work, NBC NEWS (June 10, 2019), https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/new-york-state-lawmakers-introduce-billdecriminalize-sex-work-n1015891 [https://perma.cc/47SA-6B72] (mentioning that decriminalization bills have been introduced in Massachusetts and Maine); D.C. BD. OF ELECTIONS, NOTICE OF PUBLIC HEARING (2020), https://www.dcboe.org/CMSPages/GetFile.aspx?guid=6e20aac8-36f7-4464-9096-2c17684fb1b9 [https://perma.cc/R2WU-5VE4] (announcing a public hearing to review a proposed measure seeking to fully decriminalize the sex trade in the District of Columbia).
author shares the bill's overarching objective of improving the lives of people in prostitution and, therefore, agrees that they should not be criminalized. While most scholarship has focused either on making the sex trade legal, 23 on penalizing pimps and prostitution buyers more harshly, 24 or on creating services for people in prostitution, 25 this Note argues for a legislative model that prioritizes the needs of survivors and addresses the root causes of the system of prostitution in order to dismantle it.
Part I explains the different legislative approaches to prostitution adopted in various countries in recent years and details the ways in which the Gottfried-Salazar bill seeks to amend New York's current prostitution laws. Part II analyzes whether the Gottfried-Salazar bill will accomplish some of its stated goals based on the results of similar prostitution legislation adopted in other countries. Part III proposes an alternative solution to the Gottfried-Salazar bill based on the Equality Model and principles of transformative justice.

I. Background on Legislative Approaches to Prostitution and the Gottfried-Salazar Bill
This Part explores various theories of what prostitution is and the different legal approaches to the sex trade adopted by other countries, U.S. states, and the Gottfried-Salazar bill. Section A explains the tenets of three theoretical conceptions of prostitution which have led to different legal frameworks. Section B details the legal regimes relating to prostitution that various countries have adopted in the twenty-first century, either by making the sex trade legal or by adopting the Equality Model. Section C provides background on prostitution law and policy in the United States and examines key provisions of the Gottfried-Salazar bill.
bodies because it is their best means of survival. 33 The majority of people who have been involved in prostitution report being sexually abused in their childhood. 34 Studies have further shown that approximately 90% of people in prostitution wish to exit prostitution. 35 Prohibitionist regimes therefore criminalize people who engage in prostitution due to trauma or economic need. Further, the system of prostitution both emerges from and perpetuates various forms of structural oppression such as racism, sexism, and classism. 36 It is estimated that at least 80% of the people who are prostituted throughout the world are female and most of them are between the ages of thirteen and twenty-five. 37 The quasi-totality of prostitution buyers are men. 38 Women of color and transgender women are vastly overrepresented in 33 Berger, supra note 26, at 531 (stating that the "more voluntary" forms of prostitution often result from extreme poverty and a lack of other options); Raven, supra note 7 (stating that the author engaged in "survival sex" from the age of fifteen, and that almost 40% of Black trans people trade sex to survive). 34 Waltman, supra note 32, at 451 (estimating the rate of childhood sexual abuse as 55% to 90%).  the sex trade 39 and are more likely to get arrested on prostitution charges. 40 Studies have shown that the majority of prostitution buyers are middle-to upper-class white men. 41 Prostitution is therefore not only an issue of gender inequality, but also one of white supremacy and class-based injustice. Predominantly white, middle-class men with disposable income are able to demand sexual access to the most vulnerable members of society. Moreover, people in prostitution have historically been arrested and prosecuted  Monto, supra note 38, at 169 (finding that, based on various studies conducted in the United States, prostitution buyers "generally reflect the ethnicity of the cities and locales in which they live"). at vastly higher rates than prostitution buyers. 42 This unequal enforcement of the law can be explained in part by a sexist double standard that vilifies women in prostitution as sexual deviants incapable of redemption and excuses men who buy prostitution as normal people attempting to satisfy their naturally irrepressible desires. 43 Today, some scholars adopt a utilitarian defense of full criminalization arguing that it gives law enforcement more tools to intervene in the lives of prostituted people and protect them from exploiters. 44 However, it does not make sense to criminalize people that the law seeks to protect from exploitation. 45 Criminalization tends to make prostituted women wary of asking law enforcement for help, for fear of being arrested or victimized by the police. 46 Moreover, forcing services on prostituted people runs the risk of further traumatizing them. 47 They argue that, while legalization places the sex trade under state control through regulation, a decriminalization regime simply "removes all laws related to sex work." 53 They criticize regulation for requiring state resources, putting people at risk by making them register as sex workers or obtain a license to engage in prostitution, and failing to end the illegal sex trade. 54 Nevertheless, legalization and full decriminalization regimes both regulate prostitution as a form of work either through specific provisions 55 or through general labor laws. 56 They aim to end the stigma surrounding prostitution, improve the working conditions in which people are prostituted, and reduce violence in the sex trade. 57

Prostitution as Exploitation
Advocates for the prostitution-as-exploitation position see prostitution as a form of institutionalized gender-based violence 58 that most often occurs at the intersection of sexism, racism, classism, child abuse, and violence. 59 In their view, those who are exploited should not be criminalized. 60 They support a partial decriminalization model, Section II.A (explaining why the impacts of full legalization schemes are relevant in assessing the Gottfried-Salazar bill). 53 Marshall, supra note 52, at 56. 54 Herrmann, supra note 23, at 90-92. 55 See GERMAN REPORT ON THE IMPACT OF THE PROSTITUTION ACT, supra note 50, at 9. 56 See Joelle Freeman, Legalization of Sex Work in the United States: An HIV Reduction Strategy, 32 GEO. J. LEGAL ETHICS 597, 603 (2019) (stating that in New Zealand, where full decriminalization was adopted, local councils regulate the sex trade through zoning and advertising restrictions). 57 OPEN SOC'Y FOUND., 10 REASONS TO DECRIMINALIZE SEX WORK 1, 2-3, 6 (2015); Carvajal, supra note 51; GERMAN REPORT ON THE IMPACT OF THE PROSTITUTION ACT, supra note 50, at 9 (recounting that Germany's legalization framework was intended to improve the working conditions and social situation of people in prostitution and to reduce exploitation). 2017, art. 10, at 2 (asserting that "full criminalization of prostitution fails to recognize the vulnerabilities of prostituted individuals and punishes them for their known as the "Nordic Model" 61 or the "Equality Model," 62 which focuses on education about the issues surrounding prostitution, the creation of services for people in or exiting prostitution, and the need to hold pimps and prostitution buyers accountable for their role as exploiters. 63 Some supporters of the prostitution-as-exploitation framework see paid sex as necessarily coerced by the money. 64 Others argue that there likely is a certain number of "willing sex workers," but that, if necessary, the rights of those who are harmed by traffickers should be prioritized over the freedom to sell sexual access. 65 Lastly, prostitution is viewed as harmful to women and society in general because it creates a barrier to gender equality. 66 exploitation"); MacKinnon, supra note 12, at 20 (stating that through criminal prostitution laws "the state enforces the exploitation of prostituted women directly"); see also Carter & Giobbe, supra note 59, at 56 (discussing the fact that Black women and girls, who are often unable to leave prostitution, should receive emotional support, advocacy services, and "tangible assistance to escape and overcome the trauma of commercial sexual exploitation").  64 See MacKinnon, supra note 27, at 274 (stating that "the money coerces the sex rather than guaranteeing consent to it"); Carter & Giobbe, supra note 59, at 51 (arguing that prostitution buyers exert power and control over people in prostitution).

Comparative Chart of the Three Main Theories of Prostitution Discussed in This
Note and Their Corresponding Legislative Approaches

Theoretical Approach
Prostitution-as-Sin Prostitution-as-Work Prostitution-as-Exploitation

Theoretical Description
Prostitution is a victimless crime caused by lack of moral values.
Prostitution is a type of job that people may choose freely and that is not inherently harmful.
Prostitution is system of oppression and a form of institutionalized genderbased violence.

Legislative Approach
Full criminalization of the sex trade, including prostitution, buying, and pimping Full legalization or decriminalization of the sex trade, including prostitution, buying, pimping, and brothels Decriminalization of people in prostitution, creation of services, criminalization of buying, pimping, and brothel keeping, and education of the public to issues surrounding prostitution ("Equality Model")

Relevant Countries
United States (except Nevada) The Netherlands, Germany, and New Zealand Sweden and France

Legalization and Full Decriminalization of the Sex Trade
Many countries have a legal sex trade. 67 In some countries, regulated brothels are a legacy of colonization. 68 In these instances, colonizing countries created health regulations to allow their soldiers and other men access to local and Indigenous women's bodies with a lower risk of contracting venereal diseases. 69 More recently, countries such as The Netherlands, Germany, and New Zealand have made prostitution and brothels legal to recognize prostitution as a form of labor in accordance with the prostitution-aswork theoretical position. 70 These countries sought a legislative regime that would benefit the people in prostitution by giving them access to benefits 71 and "end[ing] abuses in the sex industry." 72 Nevertheless, prostitution often remains tied to a history of societal abuse of those who are prostituted. 73 This Section examines the reforms instituted in each of these countries in turn.

a. The Netherlands
In October 2000, the Dutch legislature made the sex trade legal, including brothels and pimping. 74 The law imposed certain regulations on legal brothels. 75 Regular medical checkups are not mandatory, but prostituted people are encouraged to have four medical checkups a year in order to protect themselves and their clients against sexually transmitted diseases. 76 As a result of legalization, labor law applies to relations between prostituted people and their pimps. 77 However, the Dutch government's prostitution policy has not accomplished its intended goals. The legalization of the brothel industry in the Netherlands has led to the growth of sex tourism into a major industry, as well as the increase of the illegal and unlicensed sex trade, sex trafficking, and demand. 78 In recent years, cities such as Utrecht and Amsterdam have sought to close down window prostitution 79 due to signs of human trafficking 80 and the "humiliation of women by large groups of tourists." 81 Further, the 74 DUTCH POLICY ON PROSTITUTION, supra note 72, at 1. 75 For example, the government required the installation of panic buttons and the provision of condoms. Id. at 2. 76 Id. at 4. 77 Id. at 5. People who leave a job at a brothel may receive unemployment benefits if they had no choice but to stop working. See id. at 6. Alternatively, they may receive social assistance if they exit the sex trade voluntarily. Id. 78  mental health and quality of life of prostituted people has worsened, 82 and the government provides barely any exit services. 83 In 2008, the Dutch National Police Service published a report aimed at identifying the effectiveness of the country's prostitution and human trafficking policy. 84 The report estimated that 50% to 90% of the women being bought and sold in window brothels were victims of human trafficking. 85 The report posited that human trafficking was able to take place "almost unimpeded" in the licensed window prostitution sector 86 because current policy, which relied on administrative controls such as licensing, was insufficient to identify and address every instance of human trafficking. 87 Additionally, due to competing interests, the relevant actors lacked incentive to report and prosecute trafficking.   85 Id. at 84. Law enforcement officials who conducted investigations estimated that 50% to 85% of the people prostituted in all legal brothels were prostituted under duress. Id. at 74-76. 86 Id. at 10-20. 87 Id. at 100 (stating that licensing did not guarantee that exploitation would not take place). 88 For example, a prostitution buyer, noticing that the woman he is buying is being trafficked, might choose to ignore it. A social worker may choose not to disclose trafficking to the police in order to maintain a relationship of trust with the client. Because indications of human trafficking do not tend to be very clear, the police lack incentive to investigate trafficking cases under legalization and prefer to focus on other types of cases. Id. at 104-10. 89 GERMAN REPORT ON THE IMPACT OF THE PROSTITUTION ACT, supra note 50, at 6. achieved its goals. 90 The report recognized that few people had used the Act's legal framework to enable contracts of prostitution employment, that the Act did not lead to better working conditions for prostituted people in practice, and that the Act was not proven to have reduced crime. 91 Nevertheless, the report also found that the Prostitution Act did not make it more difficult to prosecute trafficking or forced prostitution. 92 Germany's prostitution policy has encouraged the growth of the sex trade and human trafficking. Researchers found a correlation between Germany's legalization of the sex trade and an increase in the number of international trafficking victims. 93 According to a police inspector, prostitution has risen by up to 30% since 2002. 94 It is estimated that over 400,000 people are prostituted in Germany, making it the country with the most prostituted people per capita. 95 The legalization of brothels led to the creation of flat-rate mega-brothels, 96 such as the "Pussy Club," which advertised "sex with all women as long as you want, as often as you want and the way you want." 97 The country attracts many sex tourists from neighboring countries. 98 Recognizing the failure of the 2002 90 Id. at 79. 91 Id. 92 Id.  96 See Diu, supra note 71 (reporting on Paradise, a chain of German brothels that are around 15,000 square feet, and Pascha, a brothel in Cologne that is twelve stories high and receives 1,000 customers per day).
97 How Legalizing Prostitution Has Failed, supra note 93 (stating that 1,700 men attended the opening weekend). 98 Id.
legislation, 99 the German Parliament passed the "Prostitute Protection Act," which came into effect on July 1, 2017. 100 The new law creates certain health and labor regulations relating to prostitution 101 and bans flat-rate brothels and gang-bangs. 102 As of today, the legalization of the sex trade in Germany has not accomplished its intended goals.

c. New Zealand
In 2003, New Zealand became the first country to make the sex trade legal through full decriminalization. 103 The Prostitution Reform Bill aimed to decriminalize prostitution activities and subject prostitution to special provisions, in order to give "sex workers . . . the same protections afforded to other workers." 104 The Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) repealed the prohibition on soliciting in public places, imposed certain health and safety requirements, and created a brothel licensing system. 105 In addition, the sex trade is regulated through local zoning and advertising restrictions. 106 The PRA did not provide for any services for people in prostitution. 107 A 2008 report on the effects of the PRA conducted by the Prostitution Law Review Committee, concluded that the legislation had overall "been effective in achieving its purpose," although "progress in some areas ha[d] been slow." 108 Noting the difficulties associated with accurately estimating the number of people in prostitution, the report concluded that the PRA had not caused an increase in the number of people in prostitution. 109 The report determined that even though there had been an "apparent increase" in street prostitution in Auckland, there was no proof that it was caused by the PRA. 110 At the same time, it found that according to a quantitative survey, one quarter of the respondents reported that decriminalization was one of their reasons for entering the sex trade. 111 The report noted that "exploitative employment conditions" in the sex trade were still prevalent, that people in prostitution continued to experience violence-mostly committed by clients or men posing as clients-and that "there are still reports of sex workers being forced to take clients against their will." 112 and sex trafficking have increased. 115 While the number of large legal brothels may not have increased since 2003, these statistics do not include the number of small owneroperated brothels that do not require a license or consider the number of women who are prostituted. 116 Despite the lack of objective, reliable data, it appears that New Zealand's decriminalization of prostitution may have led to the growth of the sex trade and has failed to end violence in the sex trade, similarly to legalization in Germany and the Netherlands.

Decriminalization and Support of Prostitution Survivors Through the Equality Model
In the past twenty years, several countries 117 have adopted the prostitution-asexploitation position and enacted the Equality Model. 118 This approach includes penalizing only pimps and prostitution buyers, funding social services, and educating the community about the harms of prostitution. 119 Governments first conducted extensive research on the impact of prostitution. 120 For example, Israel adopted the Equality Model after conducting its first government survey about prostitution, which found that 95% of prostituted people in the country were women, the majority of whom were forced to remain in prostitution due to economic hardship. 121 Countries have adopted the Equality Model in an attempt to reframe prostitution as an issue of gender-based inequality and violence. 122 Their ultimate goal is to put an end to the system of prostitution and to allow any person who wishes to exit the sex trade to do so. 123 This Section discusses the specifics of the Equality Model through the examples of Sweden and France. Sweden is the only country that adopted the Equality Model around the same time as the Netherlands and Germany legalized prostitution and therefore provides the best comparison in terms of available data. France's more recent law is used as an example of a broad version of the Equality Model, particularly with regard to support services and community education.

a. Sweden
In 1999, Sweden became the first country to enact the Equality Model. 124 Sweden operates three "prostitution units" that offer free, comprehensive social services to people who are or have been in prostitution, without requiring that they exit the sex trade. 125 These units also conduct outreach and community education. 126 Prostitution buyers are fined according to a sliding scale based on their income, and they are offered voluntary counseling services. 127 According to a report commissioned by the government, the number of Swedish prostitution buyers dropped from 12.7% to 7.6% between 1996 and 2008. 128 Further, Sweden's prostitution population was estimated to have dropped from around 3000 to 650 people, making it eight to fifteen times smaller per capita than in neighboring countries. 129 While acknowledging that there has been no study on the issue, critics of the Swedish law claim that it has led to increased danger in street-based prostitution, based on the fact that some people in prostitution expressed a fear of increased violence. 130 The government report did not find any evidence that the legislation had "negative effects for individuals exploited in prostitution." 131 Overall, Sweden has succeeded in reducing the size of the sex trade and offering voluntary exit services.

b. France
In 2016, the French Parliament passed a comprehensive version of the Equality Model. 132 In addition to penalizing the purchase or attempted purchase of sexual acts, the 125 Id. at 403-05 (listing services such as financial assistance, counseling, medical services, and access to housing). 126 Id. at 404. 127 Id. at 407-08. 128 Waltman, supra note 32, at 460. 129 Id. at 458-59 (comparing Sweden to Denmark and Norway). French law funds exit services for prostituted people, creates a specific immigration remedy, and provides for early education about the system of prostitution. 133 Prosecutors can offer arrested buyers to take a class as an alternative to a fine. 134 The first buyer arrests and awareness trainings, implemented in Fontainebleau, have led to a decrease in prostitution, driven by a decrease in demand. 135 Under France's current laws, labor protections are available to people in prostitution. 136 They can declare their earnings as independent workers and are eligible for unemployment benefits, health insurance, parental leave, family benefits, and retirement. 137 136 Se Déclarer, STRASS (Jan. 2015), http://strass-syndicat.org/vos-droits/se-declarer/ [https://perma.cc/MX8M-GGNC] (explaining that earnings from prostitution can be declared under a category that includes the "services of prostitutes" or under more general categories, such as "other personal services"). 137 Id.
138 HELENE LE BAIL ET AL., ENQUETE SUR L'IMPACT DE LA LOI DU 13 AVRIL 2016 CONTRE LE "SYSTEME PROSTITUTIONNEL" 6-7 (2018) (Fr.) (claiming that a reduction in the number of prostitution buyers led to a decrease in prices and an increase in risky behavior, particularly regarding the prevention of sexually transmitted diseases). law has not been sufficiently implemented for its large-scale effects to be perceived. 140 While perhaps it is too early to fully measure the impacts of the French law, it provides an example of an attempt to address the system of prostitution as a whole through broad legislative reform.

Prostitution Policy in the United States
In the United States, federal law can only regulate prostitution with a jurisdictional hook. 141 Prostitution is regulated by states under the police power. 142 Most states criminalize prostitution in accordance with the prostitution-as-sin position. 143 Two exceptions to this approach include Nevada, where prostitution in licensed brothels is authorized in counties with a population of less than 700,000 people, 144 and Rhode Island, where the indoor sex trade was briefly decriminalized from 2003 to 2009. 145 Some states and counties have adapted their policies to better address exploitation, although prostitution remains criminalized. For example, the First Offender Prostitution Program was founded in San Francisco in 1995 to address the high rates of violence, poverty, and health problems in prostitution. 146 This program focuses on prevention and intervention services for prostituted people, as well as education of prostitution buyers, and systemic reform. 147 Seattle has shifted the prosecution of prostitution crimes from prostituted women to pimps and buyers 148 and implemented a ten-week program designed to educate prostitution buyers about the sex trade. 149 Programs that focus on educating buyers, known as "john schools," aim to reintegrate offenders through behavioral change. 150 In a similar vein, the New York judiciary created Human Trafficking Intervention Courts (HTICs) in 2013, in an effort to identify victims of trafficking and provide them with services. 151 A defendant is referred to an HTIC after a prostitution arrest. 152 Most HTIC cases are resolved with an adjournment in contemplation of dismissal (ACD), 153 which often includes an obligation to complete several sessions with a social-service provider. 154 Considering that current laws in New York criminalize prostitution, 155 the HTICs are at least partially successful 156 in modifying the application of antiquated laws to accomplish modern goals focusing on "rehabilitation and renewal." 157 However, they have been criticized as overly coercive, 158 inherently contradictory, 159 and an example of the limits of using the criminal legal system to provide services. 160 Many people today agree that a better solution would be to recognize that people in prostitution should not be criminalized. 161 Until recently, New York State law also criminalized loitering for purposes of prostitution. 162 This statute, commonly referred to as the "walking while trans" ban, 163 was often used in a discriminatory manner, as police disproportionately targeted Black women, other people of color, and transgender women. 164 On February 2, 2021, a bill repealing the anti-loitering statute was signed into law. 165 Around the same time, several district attorneys in New York City have taken steps towards ending the criminalization of people in prostitution. At the end of January 2021, Brooklyn District Attorney Eric Gonzalez announced that he had vacated 262 arrest warrants involving prostitution charges and was moving to dismiss 850 cases that dated back to the 1970s. 166 He also asked state legislators to expunge thousands of prostitution-related convictions in Brooklyn since 1975. 167 Similarly, on March 16, 2021, Judge Toko Serita dismissed and sealed hundreds of Queens prostitution-related cases were following a request by District Attorney Melinda Katz. 168 Most recently, on April 21, 2021, the office of Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance became the first in the state to announce a formal policy to stop prosecuting arrests for prostitution or unlicensed massage. 169

The Gottfried-Salazar Bill: A Proposal to Fully Decriminalize the Sex Trade
Similarly to the legalization and decriminalization schemes explored in Section I.B.1, the Gottfried-Salazar bill seeks to decriminalize the sex trade in New York by repealing criminal provisions against prostitution, prostitution buying, promoting the prostitution of a person who is over eighteen years old, and running brothels and other commercial sex establishments. 170 The bill also modifies the mens rea for advancing prostitution, from a requirement of knowledge 171 to one of intent. 172 This increases the level of mens rea for 165 Diaz, supra note Error! Bookmark not defined..  The bill is currently in the Senate and Assembly Codes Committees. 177 As of May 28, 2021, it is sponsored by seven senators and sixteen Assembly members. 178 Proponents of the bill argue that full decriminalization will decrease trafficking and increase the legal rights of sex workers. 179 Critics maintain that the bill would only legalize the "indescribable violence" committed by pimps and buyers, because prostitution is "an inherently harmful practice, rooted in gendered violence and discrimination based on sex and race." 180 An alternative bill seeking to introduce the Equality Model in New York State through the "Sex Trade Survivors Justice and Equality Act" was introduced in 2021 by Senator Liz Krueger and Assembly Member Pamela Hunter. 181 173 PENAL § 230.30 (criminalizing advancing prostitution of a person less than eighteen years old); Id. § 230.32 (criminalizing advancing prostitution of a person less than thirteen years old). 174 Id. § 230.33 (criminalizing advancing prostitution of a person less than eighteen years old by compelling the person to engage in prostitution by force or intimidation). 175 Id. § 230.40 (criminalizing permitting prostitution in premises or a vehicle that are being used for the purpose of advancing prostitution The Gottfried-Salazar bill has been described as "the most comprehensive decriminalization effort ever initiated in the United States." 182 It expands upon similar proposals introduced in other states. 183 In considering how to update their laws regarding prostitution, states should take into account the impact of the various reforms in other countries. Part II proposes such an analysis by predicting whether the Gottfried-Salazar bill is likely to accomplish its stated objectives, considering the results of similar legal regimes in other countries.

II. A Comparative Analysis of the Gottfried-Salazar Bill
This Part adopts comparative analysis to argue that the Gottfried-Salazar bill would likely fail to accomplish many of its objectives. Section A demonstrates that examples of both legalization and decriminalization schemes are relevant to this analysis. Section B shows that based on what has happened in other countries, the implementation of the Gottfried-Salazar bill is unlikely to accomplish its goals. Section C argues that the bill would likely cause prostitution and sex trafficking to increase and make the enforcement of anti-trafficking laws more difficult.

Formal Similarities Between the New York Bill and the German and Dutch Laws
Proponents of the Gottfried-Salazar bill recognize that legalization regimes, such as those enacted in Nevada and the Netherlands, empower pimps and disempower prostituted people. 184 They distinguish the decriminalization regime proposed by the bill. 185 However, legalization and decriminalization schemes share many formal similarities. The New York bill decriminalizes the sex trade entirely by repealing the provisions of the Penal Code prohibiting brothels and pimping. 186 Similarly, the Dutch law repealed provisions against brothels and pimping. 187 The Dutch legislature left it to local authorities to regulate brothels and street prostitution, and to issue licenses. 188 In the same way, when the sex trade was decriminalized in New Zealand, territorial authorities were authorized to make bylaws regulating brothels and advertising. 189 The Gottfried-Salazar bill does not include any provisions for regulating brothels or prostitution. 190 By default, local authorities such as city councils would therefore be left with the authority to create certain regulations. 191 The implementation of a legal sex trade in New York would resemble the regimes adopted in both legalization and decriminalization regimes.

The Inevitable Regulation of Prostitution Under the Gottfried-Salazar Bill
Advocates of the Gottfried-Salazar bill claim that regulation creates an unfair distinction between people prostituting legally, who are protected by laws, and those prostituting illegally, who are the most marginalized. 192 However, decriminalizing the sex trade in New York would necessarily engender some regulation of brothels and prostituted people, which would lead to the same distinction between people who are prostituting legally and those who are not.
Under the Gottfried-Salazar bill, general labor and private laws that apply in New York would regulate prostitution. 193 In some localities, current zoning laws regulating "adult businesses" would apply to brothels. 194 For example, the Yonkers municipal code includes any "establishment which provides . . . forms of entertainment that involve specified sexual activities" in its definition of "adult commercial establishment." 195 Municipalities throughout the state impose strict zoning regulations on such businesses. 196 If brothels were decriminalized, prostitution businesses that do not respect these zoning restrictions would therefore be operating illegally. People prostituting in their own homes would likely be violating the zoning regulations, 197 whereas pimps who can afford to rent out a space that respects all the zoning regulations would be operating legally.
Further, regulations imposed by local authorities 198 might result in a distinction between legal and illegal brothels. 199 Therefore, under full decriminalization, the most marginalized people in prostitution would likely still be exploited underground and illegally, despite claims that this result only occurs under full legalization or criminalization schemes. 200 Likewise, a person who does not have a work permit, such as someone who does not have immigration status or an international student, would not have the right to make money in prostitution, or be protected by labor laws. 201 Implementing the Gottfried-Salazar bill would result in a distinction between people prostituting legally and those prostituting illegally. International examples of both decriminalization and legalization schemes adopted in pursuit of similar objectives as the Gottfried-Salazar bill are therefore relevant in assessing the likely effects of the bill.

B. Stigma, Abusive Working Conditions, and Violence Under Full Decriminalization
The Gottfried-Salazar bill aims to bring prostitution out of the shadows, to improve access to workers' rights for prostituted people, and to reduce violence and exploitation. 202 However, fully decriminalizing the sex trade is unlikely to accomplish these goals.

Full Decriminalization Would Not End the Stigma Against People in Prostitution
The Gottfried-Salazar bill is unlikely to put an end to the stigma against prostituted people. Other jurisdictions have failed to end the stigma against people in prostitution through decriminalization. In New Zealand, the stigma around prostitution persisted following the enaction of the PRA. 203 In Amsterdam, window brothels still enable "the humiliation of women by large groups of tourists." 204 The stigma around prostitution cannot be legislated away. 205 Moreover, the argument that decriminalizing the sex trade entirely will eliminate the stigma against prostituted people presupposes that the stigma stems solely from the criminalization of prostitution and the refusal to consider it a legitimate line of work. 206 However, the fact that women who are prostituted legally are also stigmatized 207 demonstrates that the stigma against them does not stem solely from criminalization. People who are prostituted often end up in prostitution as a continuation of their oppression fueled by the intersection of gender, race, and class. 208 Thus, their exploitation in prostitution for the pleasure of men 209 becomes an integral part of their marginalization. 210 Legally sanctioning the men who pay to use women for their sexual pleasure is not a viable solution to the prostitution stigma. 211

Full Decriminalization Would Not Lead to Adequate "Working Conditions"
Decriminalizing the sex trade in New York is very unlikely to lead to adequate "working conditions" or labor protections for people who are prostituted. Similarly to the New Zealand law, the Gottfried-Salazar bill would give more power to pimps and brothel owners, as they would no longer be criminalized if it were enacted. 212 Because the Gottfried-Salazar bill does not prohibit flat rates, 213 brothels would be able to legally offer "all inclusive" deals as they did in Germany 214 and New Zealand. 215 In practice, women who are prostituted in New York brothels would not have control over the sexual acts they must perform for a set rate. . . as a lower class, whose purpose is to serve men sexually"). 210 See Nelson Butler, supra note 36, at 125 (suggesting that sexual exploitation through prostitution participates in the racial subordination of people of color in the United States). 211 See MacKinnon, supra note 27, at 274 (arguing that the inherent inequality of the prostitution transaction, by which money coerces sex, is largely responsible for the stigma of prostitution). 214 See supra note 97 and accompanying text. 215 See Valisce, supra note 116 (reporting that following decriminalization in New Zealand, brothels all began offering "all-inclusives," by which prostitution buyers pay a flat rate determined by the brothel for all sexual acts). 216

See id.
Under decriminalization and legalization regimes, prostituted people are often considered independent contractors with regard to taxes and labor laws, even though they are controlled as employees. 217 As the Gottfried-Salazar bill does not limit the fees and rules that brothels can impose on prostituted people or require them to be considered employees, 218 brothels would likely set work hours, prices, and a dress code, 219 all the while declaring the workers as independent contractors unprotected by labor and employment laws.
Additionally, the decriminalization of the sex trade would almost certainly lead to a decrease in prices for prostitution acts. 220 The people in prostitution would be negatively affected by the decrease in prices, as they often enter the sex trade due to a lack of resources. 221 The Gottfried-Salazar bill does not allocate any funding for services for 217 See, e.g., Ally-Marie Diamond (@AllyMDiamond), TWITTER (Feb. 9, 2020, 5:52 AM), https://twitter.com/AllyMDiamond/status/1226458949655785474 [https://perma.cc/QNU8-WB2T] (sharing a New Zealand brothel's form stating that the "working girl" is an independent contractor and is responsible for covering her own taxes, in addition to shift fees, advertising fees, potential penalty fees, and a three-hundred dollar bond); Valisce, supra note 116 (explaining that as independent contractors, prostituted people do not receive labor protections such as paid leave, healthcare, retirement benefits, or a union, but that brothel owners generally control prices, determine work hours, and set strict dress codes); Bingham, supra note 27, at 93-94, 96, 98 (stating that in Nevada, people who are prostituted in brothels are unable to assert rights as employees because they are considered independent contractors, but that they cannot choose the hours they work, the prices they charge, or the men by whom they are bought). 218 See N.Y. Sen. S3075. 219 See Helmut Sporer, Detective Chief Superintendent, Augsburg Crimes Squad, Speech for the Seminar "Reality of Prostitution" of the European Women's Lobby 2-3 (Oct. 1, 2013) (relaying that in Germany, following legalization in 2002, brothels were allowed to impose strict rules under their "right of direction," which included being at the brothel thirteen hours per day, abiding by the prices set by the brothel, and offering unprotected sex). 220 Valisce, supra note 116 (explaining that following decriminalization in New Zealand, brothels set low prices for all-inclusive deals to remain competitive, which led to an overall decrease in prostitution prices as private and street workers had to follow suit); Chelsea Geddes, No, Decriminalisation of Johns and Pimps Has Not Improved Our Safety or Our Lives, WAHINE TOA RISING (Apr. 23, 2020) (N.Z.), https://wahinetoarising.nz/survivor-stories/no-decriminalisation-of-johns-and-pimps-has-not-improved-oursafety-or-lives/ [https://perma.cc/8K47-5CXS] (stating that buyers "are expecting more and more, and willing to pay less and less"); How Legalizing Prostitution Has Failed, supra note 93 (reporting that in Germany, legalization led to a drop in prices, caused in part by an influx of women trafficked from Romania and Bulgaria); Cunningham & Shah, supra note 145, at 1694 (finding that in Rhode Island, transaction prices for prostitution decreased about 33% during the four years that indoor prostitution was decriminalized). 221 See supra note 33 and accompanying text; see also Prostitution Law Reform in New Zealand, supra note 73 (relaying a finding that most people who entered the sex trade did so for financial reasons).
people in prostitution, such as specialized medical care, counseling, or housing, 222 which might offset the negative effects of full decriminalization on prostitution prices.
Despite Germany's attempt to provide specific labor protections to people in prostitution, very few people in prostitution have used the legal framework that was created to enable contracts of prostitution employment, 223 or to sue for wages. 224 According to a social worker who has worked with people in prostitution for over two decades, working conditions have "worsened in recent years," and people in prostitution provide "significantly more services . . . under riskier conditions and for less money than [in 2003]." 225 Unlike the German law, the Gottfried-Salazar provides no specific labor protections that would account for the particular risks and harm associated with prostitution. 226 It is therefore likely that the impacts of the bill would be just as bad, if not worse than in Germany.
Advocates of the Gottfried-Salazar bill expect general labor laws to sufficiently protect people in prostitution from problematic working conditions. 227 If they are able to bring a lawsuit, people prostituted in brothels as independent contractors might succeed in being reclassified as "employees," if they can show that they are controlled by the brothels. 228 However, it would likely take some time to develop such a lawsuit as it would 224 Diu, supra note 71 (reporting that that only forty-four prostituted women had registered for benefits and that seemingly none had sued for payment). require resources and named plaintiffs who are not afraid to lose their jobs. 229 People in prostitution who are affected by discrimination, such as receiving less pay because of their race or other characteristic and being called racial slurs, could file a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). 230 In cases of extreme discrimination, the EEOC might bring a lawsuit against the brothel, as it has against a strip club. 231 Considering the current stripping industry, it is unlikely that legal brothels would become unionized in New York 232 or provide adequate labor protections. 233 1631233/ [https://perma.cc/LV9U-7FGA] (reporting on a class action brought against the Nevada brothel Sheri's Ranch asserting that they were wrongly classified as independent contractors); Records to be Released on Nevada Prostitute Employee Ruling, KOLO (Mar. 27, 2020), https://www.kolotv.com/content/news/Records-to-be-released-on-Nevada-prostitute-employee-ruling-569176721.html [https://perma.cc/32SU-5ZTH] (mentioning that the Department of Employment, Training and Rehabilitation determined that people prostituted in legal brothels are employees and not independent contractors).
Further, women in the sex trade will certainly suffer many forms of sexual harassment, 234 which are unlikely to be litigated. 235 Moreover, prostitution necessarily implies sexual harassment against the people in prostitution under New York State law. 236 Decriminalizing the sex trade in New York would, in theory, allow for prostituted people to sign enforceable contracts of employment with brothels, and to be protected by labor laws. 237 However, it is likely that brothel owners would begin by hiring them as independent contractors, and that the general labor laws currently in place would be insufficient to provide adequate "working conditions" to people in prostitution.

Violence in the Sex Trade Would Remain Prevalent Under Full Decriminalization
By decriminalizing prostitution, 238 the Gottfried-Salazar bill would greatly reduce the policing of people in prostitution, including discriminatory policing against women of color and transgender women.  people in prostitution, as the police would no longer be able to threaten to arrest them. 240 This would hopefully lead to better relations between people in prostitution and the police. 241 However, prostituted people would likely continue to experience high rates of violence, which would remain vastly underreported under decriminalization. 242 When the sex trade is made legal and prostitution is considered a profession, violence against women in prostitution does not subside but is euphemistically referred to as "adverse experiences" 243 or "exploitative employment conditions." 244 In legal brothels, pimps and others in positions of power are often extremely violent with the women who are prostituted. 245 Decriminalizing pimping and making brothels legal in New York would therefore not greatly reduce the amount of violence suffered by prostituted people at the hands of pimps.
Violence against people in prostitution is most often perpetrated by prostitution buyers or men posing as clients. 246 One survivor has observed that New Zealand brothels often fail to keep the women safe, and they rarely alert the police when violence occurs,  242 Id. at 119-20 (asserting that despite high rates of "adverse experiences," ranging from a client refusing to pay to being physically assaulted or raped by a client, most incidents are not reported to the police). 243 Id. at 120 (explaining that "adverse experiences" include being robbed, assaulted, or raped by a client, being threatened with physical violence, and being held captive). 244 PRA REPORT, supra note 108, at 168. 245 See, e.g., Mathieson et al., supra note 25, at 385-86 (stating that in the Netherlands, pimps and bodyguards use extreme violence against women in legal brothels); see also Bindel, My Work as a Prostitute, supra note 114 (recounting an instance in which a receptionist in a legal brothel in New Zealand was yelling at a girl having a panic attack following an escort job-shaking, crying, unable to speak-and telling her to "get back to work"). because it would be bad for business. 247 Another survivor, who refers to the sex trade as "terrorism against women," denounces the violence in the New Zealand sex trade, accusing prostitution buyers of "shov[ing] bottles, cucumbers, carrots, stupidly oversized vibrators, shoe heels, batons, and whatever else . . . so far and so hard up [the women's] vaginas that they damage their reproductive systems beyond repair." 248 Full decriminalization does not put an end to such extreme violence.
Similarly, decriminalizing brothels and prostitution buyers in New York 249 would likely not reduce the amount or the extent of violence that is perpetrated by prostitution buyers. Even though proponents of the Gottfried-Salazar bill claim that the objective of the bill is to keep people in the sex trade safe, 250 the bill does not include any provisions to increase the safety of the sex trade or to reduce the violence committed against prostituted people.
For example, the Gottfried-Salazar bill does not require prostitution buyers to wear a condom. 251 In New Zealand-where there is a specific condom use requirement-even though "every sex worker [has] a story related to a request for unsafe sex," charges against buyers for failing to use a condom are very rare, 252 and the consequences of such a charge are limited. 253 Considering that the Gottfried-Salazar bill does not even make 247 Valisce, supra note 116 (relating that New Zealand brothels do not hire security guards or offer any protection).  condom use mandatory, it would likely be very difficult to bring complaints against buyers for non-consensual condom removal.
Further, unlike the New Zealand law, 254 New York's decriminalization bill does not include a provision allowing a person in prostitution to refuse to have sex with someone who has paid. 255 Absent a specific regulation pertaining to prostitution, contract law would create a legal obligation for someone who accepted payment in exchange for sex-or a job in a brothel-to submit to sex and to deliver the kind of sex that the prostitution buyer wants. 256 While it is highly unlikely that a court would force a person to perform a contracted-for sexual act, a prostitution buyer could reasonably argue that he does not have to pay for a performance that does not fully satisfy the contract. 257 The full decriminalization of the sex trade is unlikely to put an end to the murders of prostituted women in the United States. are considered an at-risk population. 260 In comparison, Sweden, a country with twice the population of New Zealand, has seen no murders of prostituted women by a pimp or a prostitution buyer since the partial decriminalization of prostitution in 1999. 261 Sweden's legislative model has been more successful at leveling the balance of power between prostituted people and buyers. 262 The Gottfried-Salazar bill does nothing to address the violence perpetrated by pimps and buyers 263 that is inherent to the sex trade. 264 Decriminalization of all aspects of the sex trade would exacerbate the imbalance of power between prostitution buyers and prostituted people, 265 and would sanction the power and control that pimps have over prostituted people. 266 The bill does not provide for any control mechanisms, such as mandatory brothel inspections, and it does not ban any particularly violent practices. 267 It is very likely that violence would remain prevalent under the decriminalization regime that is proposed by the Gottfried-Salazar bill.

Full Decriminalization Would Increase the Size of the Sex Trade
The decriminalization of the sex trade in New York would most likely lead to an increase in prostitution, as it did in the Netherlands, Germany, and Rhode Island. 268 The United States sex trade is already estimated to be one of the largest in the world. 269 New York City, and Queens in particular, has a booming sex industry. 270 The growth of the sex trade in New York State would likely occur primarily in the largest cities, particularly New York City. 271 Many of the existing illicit massage parlors and other hidden sex establishments would become legal brothels. 272 Making brothels and prostitution buying legal normalizes prostitution buying 273 and gives people the illusion that prostitution must be safe and consensual, as long as it is legal. 274 This naturally leads more men to purchase sex. 275 Therefore, by making prostitution buying and brothels legal, the state would be giving men the right to purchase access to the bodies of women who are in financial need and implicitly sanctioning the behavior of the buyers and pimps.
In the same way that Germany and Amsterdam have become sex tourism centers in Europe, 276 New York State would become an American sex tourism destination. New York City is one of the world's top tourist destinations, attracting over fourteen million international visitors in 2019. 277 Additionally, men from surrounding states might prefer to come to New York for prostitution if it is made legal only in the state of New York. 278 Sex tourism would thrive in New York City under full decriminalization, and brothels would become some of the city's tourist attractions. 279

Legitimizing the Sex Trade Would Lead to an Increase in Involuntary Prostitution
Various reports, studies, and investigations have shown that making the sex trade legal in Germany and the Netherlands led to an increase in or continuation of human trafficking. 280 Firstly, large numbers of women are trafficked in legal brothels. 281 Secondly, the decriminalization of brothels led to a "major increase in unlicensed, invisible prostitution," 282 which is also linked to human trafficking. 283 Full decriminalization of the sex trade in New York would likely lead to the exploitation of many survivors of trafficking in both legal and illegal prostitution venues. 284 While those in favor of full decriminalization claim that there is a clear distinction between forced and voluntary prostitution, 285 the line is often not so clear. 286 Many people end up in prostitution due to various forms of structural oppression and the lack of statefunded services, 287 without a trafficker necessarily being involved. 288 Even though there are large amounts of involuntary prostitution in countries that have legalized the sex trade, governments generally do not focus on developing exit services. 289 In New Zealand, for example, the NZPC does not offer exit services. 290 Instead, the organization hands out information about how to avoid "burn-out syndrome," which, according to one sex trade survivor, is an inaccurate term for what is actually "a normal response to ongoing sexual abuse." 291 Unsurprisingly, the Gottfried-Salazar bill includes absolutely no mention of exit options or services. 292 It is solely focused on decriminalizing prostituted people, pimps, and prostitution buyers, clearing past criminal convictions, and making brothels legal. 293 The Gottfried-Salazar bill's proposed regime would enable pimps, prostitution buyers, and structural inequalities to continue to coerce more vulnerable people into prostitution, 287 See Carter & Giobbe, supra note 59, at 43 (arguing that "culturally supported tactics of power and control [which include economic marginalization] facilitate the recruitment or coercion of women and children into prostitution and effectively impede their escape"). 288 See supra note 33 and accompanying text. 289 BINDEL, THE PIMPING OF PROSTITUTION, supra note 115, at 117; see also DAALDER, supra note 82 (relating that seven years after legalization in the Netherlands, only 6% of municipalities offered options for exiting prostitution). 290 The NZPC's website only states that a person wishing to leave prostitution can receive work and income benefits. N.Z. PROSTITUTES' COLLECTIVE, supra note 193, https://www.nzpc.org.nz/ [https://perma.cc/72VU-VAHB]. Sabrinna Valisce, who volunteered for the NZPC when she was in prostitution, recounts that she was "absolutely ignored" when she asked the Wellington office if they were working on exit services. See Bindel, My Work as a Prostitute, supra note 114.

Full Decriminalization Would Make It Harder to Identify and Prosecute Trafficking
If the New York sex trade is fully decriminalized, it will likely become more difficult to prosecute trafficking cases. Firstly, legal frameworks relating to the sex trade do not successfully facilitate the identification of human trafficking by the authorities. 298 Relevant actors-such as brothel owners, prostitution buyers, victims, the police, and prosecutors-might lack incentives to report trafficking. 299 The regulation of brothels does not ensure an absence of exploitation, particularly by third-party pimps. 300 Secondly, empirical data suggest that when the sex trade is entirely legal, it is harder for authorities to investigate trafficking. 301 When brothels are simply decriminalized without any regulation, the police may require a search warrant to even enter a brothel. 302 294 See, e.g., Barnett, supra note 276 (stating that 95% of prostituted women in Germany are foreign nationals). 295 See, e.g., Sanchez, supra note 114.   Further, the police may choose not to investigate legal brothels. 303 Under the Gottfried-Salazar bill, the police would have no obligation to investigate brothels. 304 A brothel licensing system, which is not even considered in the bill, 305 might provide the police with access to brothels, but it would not ensure that they would be able to successfully identify trafficking victims in the legal brothels.
Finally, decriminalizing pimps and brothels makes it more difficult to prosecute trafficking. 306 Under current New York law, the varying offenses and penalties for promoting prostitution allow prosecutors to offer plea deals and to exercise discretion in charging traffickers with lower offenses that are much easier to prove. 307 Following the Gottfried-Salazar bill, prosecutors would have to prove either "sex trafficking" or the promotion of prostitution through "force or intimidation" in order to secure a conviction against a pimp or brothel owner when the victim is not a child. 308 Due to the difficulty of securing such a conviction, police and prosecutors may prefer to prioritize other cases. The decriminalization bill proposes to change the requisite mens rea associated with "advancing prostitution" from a knowledge requirement to one of intent. 310 This would make it harder to prove that a pimp advanced the prostitution of another person, in turn making it more difficult to obtain a conviction for any level of promoting or compelling prostitution. 311 Furthermore, the bill suggests an exception to the definition of "advancing prostitution," by which a person under the age of twenty-one cannot advance the prostitution of a person who is seventeen or older without actively participating in "compulsion by force or intimidation or in sex trafficking." 312 This might make it harder to address the rather common cases of minors or very young adults pimping out their friends and girlfriends. 313 The Gottfried-Salazar bill is unlikely to accomplish its goals of limiting the underground sex trade, reducing the harm that is caused in prostitution, and better enforcing laws against human trafficking. 314 New York should therefore adopt the Equality Model, a progressive solution that gives more power to people in prostitution and less to their abusers, instead.

III. Dismantling the System of Prostitution Exploitation through the Equality Model and Transformative Justice
In order to better protect the rights and lives of prostituted people, 315 New York State should not further entrench the system of prostitution by decriminalizing the entire sex trade. It should, instead, aim to dismantle this system of exploitation while protecting those who are exploited. This Part advocates for an expansive version of the Equality Model that relies on principles of reparative 316 and transformative justice. 317 Section A argues that the New York legislature should decriminalize people in prostitution while finding innovative ways to hold buyers, pimps, and traffickers accountable. Section B reasons that reparative justice and the provision of services are essential to center the needs of survivors and people in prostitution. Finally, Section C discusses how New York should address the root causes of the system of prostitution, particularly through education and a social safety net.

Decriminalizing Prostitution
People in prostitution should not be criminalized. 318 Rather, they should be recognized as survivors of commercial sexual exploitation. 319 The New York legislature should therefore repeal the criminalization of prostitution in section 230.00 of the Penal Law, 320 as the Gottfried-Salazar bill proposes. 321 In addition to what the bill suggests, 322 New York should not criminalize prostitution in a school zone, because in many cases, prostituted women do not choose to be in prostitution and should never be penalized. 323 Section 230.03 324 should therefore also be repealed, and the definition of "school zone" should be moved to section 230.08. 325 When decriminalizing prostitution, the legislature should also provide for the vacatur of prior criminal convictions under the repealed offenses, as the Gottfried-Salazar bill proposes. [v]acatur laws are essential to undo injustices that many survivors face when they are branded as criminals, rather than as victims of crime"). The Gottfried-Salazar bill also seeks to provide for the elimination of prior convictions for patronizing a person for prostitution and for promoting prostitution in the third or fourth degree, which this Note does not support, as it advocates for penalizing pimps and prostitution buyers.

Holding Prostitution Buyers Accountable for Their Role in the System of Prostitution
The Gottfried-Salazar bill seeks to decriminalize "patronizing a person for prostitution," as long as the prostitution buyer has no reason to believe that the person being bought is under eighteen. 327 Repealing this offense would make it legal for a man to take advantage of a woman's lack of financial resources or other vulnerability to obtain sexual access to her.
The New York legislature should not condone the coercion of sexual access through money. Instead, the state should continue to hold prostitution buyers accountable for their role in the system of prostitution. In addition to decriminalizing people in prostitution, New York should recognize that prostitution is not a "victimless crime," but a form of abuse committed by the prostitution buyer against the person he buys for sex. 328 To better reflect the exploitative role that prostitution buyers play in the system of prostitution, legislators should consider renaming "patronizing a person for prostitution" to "commercial sexual exploitation of an adult" and "aggravated patronizing a minor for prostitution" to "commercial sexual exploitation of a minor." Washington State similarly changed "patronizing a juvenile prostitute" to "commercial sexual abuse of a minor" in 2007, 329 and the Seattle City Council renamed "patronizing a prostitute" to "sexual exploitation" in 2015. 330 The Equality Model has the effect of readjusting the unequal relationship between the prostitution buyer and the prostituted person. If the buyer treats a prostituted woman badly or refuses to pay, she can threaten to report him for commercial sexual exploitation. 331 He cannot threaten to report her because she has not done anything 327 See S. S3075 § A.5. 328 In an open letter to her "sex customers," Danish prostitution survivor Tanja Rahm described the role that buyers have in the prostitution system and how they exploit the people in prostitution. illegal. 332 The penalization of prostitution buyers, coupled with the decriminalization of people in prostitution, deters men from purchasing or attempting to purchase prostitution sex, 333 modifies the behavior of men who purchase prostitution, and changes the general public's attitude towards commercial sexual exploitation. 334 Historically, prostitution buyers have been greatly under-policed and treated with considerable empathy by judges and society. 335 Instead of decriminalizing their behavior, legislators should consider whether there are viable alternatives to incarceration that would curb the demand for prostitution and provide sufficient protection for people in prostitution. Many countries and U.S. states have implemented educational programs for prostitution buyers as either an alternative to prosecution or as a sentence. 336 Although it is difficult to measure how successful these programs have been in curbing the demand for prostitution, 337 they afford survivors an opportunity to confront their abusers and have their voices heard. 338 They also give the men who are arrested an opportunity to see survivors as equal human beings, and to better understand what they went through. 339 332 Id. 333 See supra note 275. 334 EKBERG, supra note 66, at 10. 335 See Lefler, supra note 42, at 14-15 (explaining that men were not blamed for buying prostitution as they were viewed as having uncontrollable sexual desires, and that, unlike prostituted women, they were considered "reformable" despite having committed "an immoral sexual act"). 336 See supra Sections I.B.2, I.C.1. 337 Although one study found that the first American john school, established in San Francisco, was successful at reducing recidivism of offenders, other studies have shown low recidivism rates overall amongst men arrested for prostitution, regardless of whether they attended a program or not. Cynthia Castaldo-Walsh, How Effective Are John Schools?, NOT ENOUGH GOOD (June 24, 2011), https://notenoughgood.com/2011/06/effectiveness-of-john-schools/ [https://perma.cc/HC4B-QBL2].

Maintaining the Penalization of Brothels and Pimping
A full decriminalization regime benefits prostitution buyers, pimps, and traffickers, rather than the people exploited in prostitution. 340 If brothels and pimping were to become legal, sex tourism and commercial sexual exploitation would thrive, 341 violence would remain prevalent throughout the sex trade, 342 and the system of prostitution would be strengthened. Therefore, the New York legislature should not enact the provisions of the Gottfried-Salazar bill which aim to decriminalize pimping and brothels.
The bill modifies the definition of "advancing prostitution" and increases the level of mens rea for promoting or compelling prostitution. 343 These proposed modifications would make the prosecution of pimps and traffickers overly difficult 344 and should therefore not be enacted. The offense of promoting prostitution in the fourth degree should not be repealed, because doing so would make pimping and advertising prostitution legal, which would only contribute to the growth of the sex trade. 345 Decriminalizing "promoting prostitution in the fourth degree" would also make it harder to prosecute cases of commercial sexual exploitation. In addition, prosecutors would no longer be able to offer a prostitution-related misdemeanor conviction to first-time offenders or to pursue a misdemeanor conviction for promoting prostitution. 346 Section 230.25 of the penal law, 347 which prohibits brothels and sex tourism businesses, should also remain in effect to prevent the growth of sex tourism, brothels, and sexual exploitation. 348 Decrim NY claims that the Gottfried-Salazar bill ends the criminalization of "consenting adults who . . . collaborate with or support sex working peers." 349 However, the decriminalization of pimps and brothels is not necessary to allow people in prostitution to work together for safety. Rather, the legislature should adopt an affirmative defense to the charge of promoting prostitution in the third or fourth degree. This amendment could read as follows: In any prosecution under section 230.20 or section 230.25 of this part, it is an affirmative defense that the defendant engaged in the conduct to provide safety to a person engaging in prostitution and did not gain a financial benefit from the transaction.
While there is a slight risk that some exploitative pimps might abuse such an affirmative defense, it would ensure that a person could not be convicted of promoting prostitution simply for helping a person who is engaging in prostitution. Peers who are engaging in prostitution together for safety reasons would also be covered by this affirmative defense.
In seeking to address pimping and trafficking in innovative ways, New York could be the first state to repurpose the HTICs as specialized courts for pimps and traffickers. Today, states use problem-solving human trafficking courts to identify and assist commercially sexually-exploited children or adults who are survivors of human trafficking. 350 After the decriminalization of prostitution, HTIC judges could be trained to determine whether a person being prosecuted for promoting prostitution has also been exploited, and to what extent. They would then determine the appropriate sentence or remedial measure, which could include education about the harms of the sex trade, individual therapy, and restitution for survivors. 348 See supra notes 276-284 and accompanying text. 349 Press Release, DECRIM NY, supra note 16; see also Raven, supra note 7 (stating that the objective of rewriting the statutes on promoting prostitution is to allow sex workers to work together or share a space for safety).

Demanding Restitution from Prostitution Exploiters
Firstly, New York law should require that prostitution buyers and pimps repair the harm they caused people in prostitution by making their victims whole. 351 According to the Exited Prostitution Survivor Policy Platform, funding survivor services through increased fines for buyers is one way of achieving reparative justice. 352 In addition, requiring that pimps and traffickers pay restitution to the people they exploited in prostitution would also provide some reparation for the harm they caused. Once prostitution buying and pimping are recognized as crimes committed against people in prostitution, survivors will be able to seek restitution from buyers and pimps through the New York Penal Law's provision on restitution and reparation. 353 The legislature could also consider requiring restitution from people convicted of prostitution-related offenses regardless of whether a particular victim is seeking restitution, as the Trafficking Victims Protection Act does for people convicted of trafficking in federal court. 354 In order to avoid over-criminalizing the poor and to effectively deter wealthy defendants, the legislature could consider implementing sliding scale fines 355 that take into account each defendant's means. 356 The fines could be placed in a general victims' fund, which could then be redistributed as restitution to individual victims based on the extent of harm and exploitation that they suffered. The fines could also be used to fund services for people in prostitution.

Providing Social Services for Survivors and People in Prostitution
In addition to implementing reparative justice remedies with regards to prostitution exploiters, New York should center the needs of survivors and people in prostitution by funding dedicated social and medical services. According to the Red Umbrella Project, lack of access to employment, stable housing, and healthcare is the greatest issue faced by those in prostitution. 357 The Gottfried-Salazar bill does not provide for the creation of any services that would help people in prostitution access such resources. 358 Further, the bill does not address how the state should support outreach efforts once it is no longer able to offer services through the HTICs. 359 Before amending its prostitution laws, the legislature should identify the needs of survivors and people in prostitution throughout New York State. A legislative committee could be formed to produce a report based on detailed empirical research. 360 New York should then fund extensive services to address the needs that were identified. These might include direct legal services, physical and mental health care, and access to gainful employment, housing, and benefits. The government should fund various centers across the state, similar to Sweden's prostitution units, 361 to ensure that survivors and people in prostitution throughout New York have access to these services. The professionals working at these facilities should be trained in trauma-informed care and understand the particular issues that affect prostituted people, such as difficulties trusting people, poverty, addiction, and a history of exploitation. 362 These services should be accessible to 357 Herrmann, supra note 23, at 99. 358 See S. S3075, 2020-2021 Sess. (N.Y. 2020). 359 See supra notes 151-156. 360 Other countries have based their prostitution laws on empirical research conducted by the legislature. See supra note 120; GEOFFROY, supra note 120, at 16 (stating that France's report on prostitution was produced by a parliamentary committee). 361 See supra note 125 and accompanying text. 362 See, e.g., Mathieson et al., supra note 25, at 405 (stating that the employees of the Swedish prostitution units adopt a therapeutic approach, which includes a lot of patience to let relationships with clients develop, and a lack of judgment or criticism of their clients). The EMPOWER clinic is a good example of the types of trauma-informed health services that should be available for people who have been in prostitution. THE EMPOWER CLINIC, https://www.empowergyn.org/the-empower-clinic [https://perma.cc/8VDY-KLCK] (last visited Feb. 12, 2020) (stating that the clinic provides trauma-sensitive, long-term medical care for survivors of sex trafficking and sexual violence, including gynecological and psychological services). all people in prostitution, regardless of whether they are looking to exit the sex trade or not.
Because many people are coerced into prostitution by traffickers or structural inequalities, 363 the state should facilitate exit from prostitution. People exiting prostitution require stable housing, 364 and many must escape an abusive situation. 365 New York should therefore provide access to housing during the transition period out of prostitution, including specialized safe houses. The state could also offer a monthly stipend to help support those exiting prostitution. 366 Survivors should have access to long-term services. Exiting prostitution is a long process, 367 and many survivors continue to suffer harm for years. 368 One critique of the Equality Model is that it does not provide an adequate legal framework for people who wish to remain in prostitution. 369 In enacting the Equality Model, New York should therefore ensure that people in prostitution can declare their 363 See supra notes 31-33; see also Nelson Butler, supra note 36, at 95 (arguing that intersecting structural inequalities obscure choice for women of color in prostitution). 364 Herrmann, supra note 23, at 99. 365 See, e.g., Gruber et al., supra note 154, at 1357-58 (describing the story of a young woman who was ordered to be detained indefinitely at Rikers Island by an HTIC judge seeking to protect her from an abusive partner who was also her trafficker). 366 See, e.g., Law 2016-444 of April 13, 2016, art. 5 (Fr.) (mandating the creation of a stipend for people exiting prostitution through a special "exit path").
367 Mathieson et al., supra note 25, at 405 (stating that because exiting prostitution is a process that can take many years, the employees of the Swedish prostitution units do not expect anyone to leave prostitution immediately). 368 See, e.g., Bridget Perrier, Testimonials, SPACE INT'L, https://www.spaceintl.org/about/testimonials/ [https://perma.cc/S4ZZ-2LLM] (last visited Jan. 26, 2020) (recounting that, after being enslaved in prostitution for ten years, the author cannot get pregnant due to damage to her cervix, still has nightmares, and suffers deep trauma). 369 See, e.g., FREEDOM NETWORK USA 2 (2018), https://freedomnetworkusa.org/app/uploads/2018/07/End-Demand.pdf [https://perma.cc/483W-RXEF] (advocating for an increase in the legal rights and protections of people in prostitution and implying that by driving the sex trade underground, partial decriminalization fails to provide adequate protections); see also Press Release, DECRIM NY, supra note 16 (implying that full decriminalization is the best way to provide adequate labor protections for people in prostitution). earnings, pay taxes, and receive benefits as independent workers, as is the case in France. 370 While the legislature should address prostitution exploitation by focusing on the needs of survivors, it should also aim to dismantle the system of prostitution by addressing its root causes.

Educating Our Communities
The belief that it is humanly and socially acceptable to use one's economic resources to obtain sexual access to another person stems from systemic inequalities. 371 In implementing the Equality Model, the New York legislature should allocate resources to educate the state as a whole regarding these issues, particularly targeting efforts to educate students at schools and universities.
Similarly to French law, 372 New York law could include a provision requiring schools to educate students about the inherent harms of the system of prostitution, the effects that it has on the physical and mental health of those who are prostituted, and the various factors that push people into prostitution. Existing sex education and gender equality classes could include information about prostitution. Education about the issues regarding the sex trade, starting at a young age, has the potential to effect normative change throughout society.
The state should make a special effort to deliver information regarding prostitution exploitation to populations that are at a high risk of containing potential prostitution 370 See supra notes 136-29 and accompanying text. 371 See Carter & Giobbe, supra note 59, at 51; see also Hatcher et al., supra note 12, at 5 (stating that "[t]he buying of sex embodies the power imbalance inherent to the sex trade, which . . . is a profound violation of human rights").
buyers, such as the military, 373 the police force, 374 and all-boys schools. 375 Before being deployed, military personnel should be trained not to sexually exploit people in prostitution abroad. Ideally, these trainings would include testimony from a survivor, to help participants understand the harm.

Addressing the Root Causes of Prostitution
While the Equality Model is the best legislative solution for combatting prostitution exploitation under our current system, the root causes and structural inequalities that coerce people into prostitution 376 must be addressed in order to dismantle the system of prostitution. The combination of various factors, such as childhood abuse, involvement in the foster care system, and homelessness, push people into prostitution. 377 Lack of work authorization makes many immigrant women particularly vulnerable to prostitution and sex trafficking. 378 Poverty and structural inequalities are perhaps the primary root causes of the system of prostitution. 379 themselves survivors of abuse. 384 In fact, the quasi-totality of female pimps, and many male pimps, were exploited in prostitution before becoming traffickers themselves. 385 Therefore, the same transformative solutions used to address the root causes and structural inequalities that coerce people into prostitution are likely to decrease the number of people who exploit others through pimping and trafficking.
The full decriminalization of the sex trade that the Gottfried-Salazar bill proposes would only entrench an age-old system of oppression that relies on structural inequalities and the commodification of women's bodies for men's financial benefit and sexual pleasure. 386 New York State should recognize that prostitution is a system of oppression and aim to dismantle it by addressing the needs of its survivors and targeting its root causes.

CONCLUSION
Many left-leaning politicians support the full decriminalization of the sex trade, which they view as a progressive solution. 387 New York's Gottfried-Salazar bill illustrates an attempt to legitimize prostitution as work and to improve the conditions of prostitution by making all aspects of the sex trade legal. The experiences of other countries, however, indicate that full decriminalization is not a viable solution to the exploitation of people in prostitution. Instead of legitimizing the sex trade, a truly progressive solution should aim to dismantle the system of prostitution. Legislators and politicians across the country seeking to address sexual exploitation must center the needs